Bashkir folk customs. Family traditions and life of the Bashkirs

Contents Introduction 1. Wedding traditions 2. Birth ceremony 3. Funeral and memorial rites Conclusion List of references
Introduction

Family customs and rituals are an integral part of the culture and life of any ethnic group. They reflect the way of life, the social system, the history of culture, the traditional worldview; laid psychological, social and moral meaning. Customs and rituals regulated human behavior throughout his life, people believed that the health and well-being of the whole society depended on how correctly they were observed.

The family customs and rituals of the Bashkirs reflect various stages of the history of the people. The Bashkir wedding ceremony consists of several stages: negotiations on marriage and its conditions (choosing a bride, matchmaking, conspiracy); the actual wedding, accompanied by the ceremony of marriage (nikah); post-wedding ceremonies.

There was a whole cycle of rituals associated with the birth of a child: laying in a cradle, giving a name, circumcision, cutting the first hair, treats in honor of the appearance of teeth, the first step, etc.) symbolized the connection of the child and his mother with society, the team.

In the cycle of family ceremonies, funeral and memorial rites are the final ones. At the end of the XIX-beginning of the XX centuries. the burial and commemoration of the dead among the Bashkirs was carried out according to the canons of the official religion - Islam, although it contained many elements of ancient beliefs. At the same time, Islam itself, like other world religions, borrowed a lot from early religious systems, therefore, in the funeral and memorial rituals, which are distinguished by a syncretic character, various religious layers are closely intertwined.


1. Wedding ceremonies

In the XVIII-XIX centuries. In parallel, the Bashkirs had large patriarchal families, which included several married couples with children, and small (individual) families that united one married couple and their children (the latter eventually established themselves as predominant).

The father was considered the head of the family. He was the guardian of family foundations, the manager of property, the organizer of economic life and had great authority in the family. The younger members of the family strictly obeyed the older ones. The position of women was different. The eldest woman, the wife of the head of the family, enjoyed great honor and respect. She was devoted to all family affairs, disposed of women's work. With the arrival of a daughter-in-law (kilen), the mother-in-law was freed from housework; they were to be carried out by a young woman.

The duties of the kilen included cooking, cleaning the home, caring for livestock, milking cows and mares, and making fabrics and clothes. In many areas, there was a custom according to which the kilen had to cover her face from her father-in-law and other older men, could not talk to them, served at the table, but she herself could not take part in the meal.

Even during his lifetime, the father had to endow the older children with the house and household, and what remained with him - the family hearth, livestock and property - went to the youngest son. Daughters received their share of the inheritance in the form of a dowry and acted as heirs to the mother's personal property.

The family customs and rituals of the Bashkirs reflect various stages of the history of the people. Exogamy was strictly observed - an ancient custom that prohibited marriages within the clan. And since nearby auls were often founded by representatives of the same clan, it became customary to choose brides from other, sometimes very distant auls. With the growth of settlements and the complication of their structure, it became possible to choose a girl from one's village, but from a different kindred group. In rare cases, marriage could take place within the same division, but with relatives no closer than the fifth or seventh generation.

Marriages between representatives of different clans were made without hindrance. Neither ancient customs nor Sharia norms placed barriers for marriages with representatives of other Muslim peoples. Marriages with immigrants from non-Muslim peoples were allowed only if they converted to Islam. However, it should be noted that such marriages in the past were rare. Marriages were usually made within certain social groups: the rich were related to the rich, the poor - to the poor. Among the wealthy Bashkirs, polygamy was quite widespread, which corresponded to the norms of Sharia.

The question of the marriage of children was decided by the parents, mainly the father of the family. Authors of the 19th-early 20th centuries. describe cases when the young did not see each other before marriage, and the parents agreed among themselves on the size of the kalym and dowry. On this basis, SI. Rudenko characterized marriage among the Bashkirs as a real act of sale. However, cases where the bride and groom did not know each other before marriage were rare. The whole traditional way of life of the Bashkirs convinces that young people had the opportunity to communicate and make acquaintances. In addition to calendar holidays, it was customary to organize parties, gatherings (aulak, urnash) and other amusements in which young men and women participated. There was even a special form of communication with young people from the surrounding villages, when girls of marriageable age were specially sent for a long time to visit relatives in other villages.

The Bashkir wedding ceremony consists of several stages: negotiations on marriage and its conditions (choosing a bride, matchmaking, collusion); the wedding itself, accompanied by a marriage ceremony (nikah); post-wedding ceremonies.

The father, wishing to marry his son, consulted with his wife, asked his son for consent to marriage. The choice of the bride, although in agreement with the wife, always belonged to the father. Having secured the consent of his son and wife, the father went to the future father-in-law himself or sent matchmakers (a goat) to negotiate. With the consent of the father of the bride, negotiations began on the kalym.

Important for understanding the nature of marriage among the Bashkirs are the concepts of "kalym" (kalym, kalyn) and "dowry" (birne). Kalym or kalyn in ethnographic literature is usually interpreted as payment for a bride. At the same time, there is an opinion that the dowry was a compensation for the costs of holding a wedding and providing the bride with household items. In the XIX-XX centuries. the concept of "kalym" included, in addition to the kalym itself, livestock and products for wedding treats - tuilyk and mahr.

In our opinion, kalym is a payment for a girl. A significant part of it was livestock, while the number of each type of livestock was specified: horses (yylky are small), cows (hyyyr are small), small cattle (vak mal). Kalym also included clothes for the bride (dress and caftan, chekmen, shawl, shoes) or material for clothes and decorations. An obligatory item in kalym was a fur coat, usually made of fox fur, for the mother of the bride; it was perceived as "payment for mother's milk" (hem hacks). Part of the kalym (primarily clothes and jewelry) was brought before the wedding, the rest was paid gradually (over several years, if the kalym reached a significant amount). This was not an obstacle to marriage, but the young husband received the right to bring his wife to him only after the full payment of the kalym. By that time, they might already have had children. From this we can conclude that the dowry was compensation for the transfer of a woman to the clan (family) of her husband, but by no means the main condition for marriage.

Tuilyk consisted mainly of cattle, which the groom's family had to allocate for treats at the wedding (the wedding celebration was held in the house of the bride's parents, but at the expense of the groom and his parents). The livestock and composition of the wedding cattle depended on the property status of the families to be born and on the number of participants in the wedding. Tuilyk also included honey, butter, cereals, flour, sweets and other products. The size and composition of the tuilyk were agreed during the matchmaking.

A mahr is a Shari'ah amount (often in the form of property) that a husband must pay to provide for his wife in the event of a divorce initiated by the husband or in the event of his death. The groom paid half of the amount before the marriage. When registering a marriage, the mullah would certainly inquire about the size of the mahr.

The bride's father provided her with a dowry (insemal), which included all types of livestock, household items (bedding, household utensils, a samovar, etc.). It was considered the property of a woman. In the event of a divorce at the initiative of the husband or return after the death of her husband to her father's house, the woman had to return her dowry and the unpaid half of the mahr; her personal belongings and jewelry passed to her daughters. Sharia norms are visible here, but they did not contradict the ancient Turkic customs.

All of the above indicates the multi-layered family and marriage relations among the Bashkirs. A similar picture can be traced in the wedding ritual, which covered a significant chronological framework, sometimes from the birth of future spouses to the beginning of their family life.

In the distant past, the Bashkirs had a custom of betrothal of young children, which was called the "cradle holiday" - bishektuy (bshiek tuyy) or "putting on earrings" - syrgatuy (hyrga tuyy, hirga kabak). Two khans, beys or batyrs, in whose families the birth of a child was expected at about the same time, in order to consolidate friendship, conspired to intermarry. The born boy and girl were considered potential bride and groom. Oral and poetic folklore (epics, legends, fairy tales) is replete with examples on this topic. At the same time, refreshments were arranged, the prayer of the Koran (“Fatiha” or “Bata”) was read, they agreed on the amount of bride price and other mutual obligations. At the end of the ceremony, an "ear-biting" ritual (kolak teshlateu) was usually arranged: the boy was brought (or brought) to the girl and encouraged him to bite the earlobe. Since then, the children were considered betrothed. However, in the legends there are many cases when the agreement was upset over time, which entailed the mutual hostility of the clans and property litigation.

Most marriages were by matchmaking, when the young people reached marriageable age. Having enlisted the consent and support of relatives, the groom's father sent a matchmaker - yausy (yausy) to the parents of the girl's matchmaker. Sometimes the father himself rode as a matchmaker, hence the second name of the matchmaker - code. The arrival of the matchmaker immediately became known to the whole village. There were signs in the yausa attire indicating his mission: he leaned on a stick, tucked only one leg into his socks, girded himself with a cloth sash, etc. He began talking about the purpose of his visit from afar, there were special formulas for the beginning of matchmaking. Yausy said: "I lost something that was not there, help me find it." The hosts with the words "If what you did not have is with us, it will be found" invited the matchmakers to a place of honor, served refreshments, and negotiations began at the meal. The matchmaker praised the groom and his parents. It was considered indecent to agree immediately, so the girl’s father and mother found various reasons that allegedly prevent marriage, and answered that their daughter was not going to get married yet. When, finally, the girl's parents gave their consent, they proceeded to discuss issues of kalym and holding a wedding.

In the past, the Bashkirs also had the custom of kidnapping (kyz urlau), most often with the consent of the girl and her parents. This made some adjustments to the wedding ceremony and reduced wedding expenses.

The ritual of the Bashkir wedding included the obligatory legal registration of marriage according to Sharia - nikah (nikah). The father and mother of the groom usually went to the wedding ceremony alone, the groom was not supposed to be present. The bride's parents prepared a meal (meat, tea, sweets), invited the mullah and two or three elderly people who acted as witnesses (shanit). An older brother, the bride's uncle, a married sister with a son-in-law, and other relatives could be present. The groom's parents brought treats (meat, koumiss, tea, cookies). The mullah inquired about the amount of the mahr, then recited a prayer blessing the marriage and the future married life of the young. After that, the parents of the bride and groom presented the mullah and those present with money, sometimes things. On this, the official part of the ceremony ended, and the meal began. If the bride and groom were adults, the mullah made an entry in his notebook about the marriage. In those cases when the bride was not yet 17 years old at the time of the marriage, no entry was made in the notebook and the ceremony was called "izhap-kabul" (izhap-kabul is the name of the engagement prayer). It should be noted that the influence of Islam on wedding rituals was insignificant. Bashkir wedding in the XX century. continued to be traditional.

Until the end of the 19th century, when the wedding cycle was extended in time, the groom had to come to the bride no earlier than a month before the wedding, and no later than three months after the nikah. Subsequently, this rule was not respected: the groom usually came either on the day of the wedding, or immediately after. The first arrival of the groom to the bride was accompanied by ritual game actions.

At first, the bride's friends hid her in some building in the village, in the forest or in the field. Then the search began. They were attended by young women-daughters-in-law (engeler), usually the wives of the bride's older brothers or younger brothers of the groom's parents and boyfriend (keyeu eget). In the sources of the XVIII-XIX centuries. there is information that the groom also participated in the search, and after the discovery of the bride, he had to carry her in his arms. Often during the search, a "struggle" between young women and girls was staged, ending in the victory of women. Having discovered the whereabouts of the girls, the women tried to grab the bride and her closest friend. After that, everyone went to the house reserved for the young. The door in front of the groom was not opened until the boyfriend gave the women money or scarves. This custom was called "doorknob" (ishek byuyu, shiek bauy).

The daughter-in-law assigned to the young - engya set the table. She gave headscarves to the women who helped in the search for the bride, shreds of fabric, soap, silver coins, previously handed to her by the groom or boyfriend, to the bridesmaids. After the meal, she was the last to leave, wishing the young people love, happiness, and locked the door. Early in the morning, engya sent the young to the bathhouse, then treated them to breakfast. Usually it was pancake tea; butter, honey, cookies, baursak, cold meat were also served on the table. Children and teenagers came to the house where the young were. In some areas, the young were visited by girls of marriageable age; they brought pancakes and received gifts in return.

After staying for a few days, the groom left. Periodically, he visited his young wife. The custom of visiting was called "walking in grooms", its duration depended on the payment of bride price. The usual day of arrival was Thursday - the penultimate day of the Muslim week. The man did not show himself to his father-in-law, although he knew about his regular visits.

The wedding ritual, with all the local features, was a multi-act dramatic, musical-choreographic and sports-playing performance. It lasted several days, even weeks, if the celebrations were repeated at the groom's parents. The wedding was a mutual visits of the relatives of the bride and groom, accompanied by refreshments, competitions, fun and a series of obligatory wedding ceremonies.

The main celebrations were held at the bride's parents. They lasted for three to five days and were called, like all wedding rituals, - tui (tui). During the wedding celebrations, the bride's parents received the wedding participants three times: for the initial dinner (tui alyu, teuge ash), the main wedding feast (tui ashi, tuilyk) and a farewell dinner (khush ashi). These three receptions were the main links of the wedding celebration.

Widespread, especially in the pastoral regions of Bashkortostan, was the rite "to catch up with the cat" (kot sabyu, -kot hebe sabyu), "to take the cat" (kot alyu, cat alyp kasyu). The concept of "cat" meant "well-being, happiness of the family and clan." So, in the Zilairsky district, horseback riding - relatives of the bride, who necessarily tied ribbons of red fabric on their arm above the elbow, went out to meet the matchmakers. The guests' bangs and tail of the horse, bow and harness were decorated with red cloth. Having met the guests, the hosts, protecting their happiness, started galloping to the village, the guests had to catch up and tear the ribbon from their hands. In the village of Abzakovo, near the city of Beloretsk, men went out to meet matchmakers on a cart, to the arc of which a scarf or piece of cloth was tied. The hosts treated the guests. Then, driving the horses, they rushed to the village. Visitors set off after them: whoever caught up, he received a prize. The matchmakers rode the rest of the way together and entered the bride's yard in a string.

After a small meal, the owner of the house - "the main, root matchmaker" distributed the guests to their homes. At home, he left the father of the groom with his wife, the rest of the guests went to relatives. In the evening, everyone gathered at the bride's parents for dinner - "tui alyu" (tui alyu). They prepared a traditional meat dish (bishbarmakh, kullama), served homemade sausages (kazy, tultyrma), honey, pies, baursak. Dinner ended with koumiss or buza. The feast with songs and dances dragged on until late at night. Over the following days, the wedding participants went to visit, visiting up to five or six houses a day.

A rite associated with treating local women with gifts brought by matchmakers, distributing gifts to the bride's relatives on behalf of the son-in-law and his relatives (kurnis, kurnesh saye, yuuasa) has become widespread. So, in the southeast, on the second day of the wedding, women gathered in the house of the bride's parents. They set up the samovar and prepared refreshments. The groom's relatives brought in a chest with gifts and goodies, on which an embroidered napkin was thrown. The elder sister or aunt of the bride, having removed the napkin, received it as a gift and in response announced her gift to the bride, it could be a lamb, goat, goose, dress, etc. The groom's mother, the "main matchmaker", took out the key to the chest on a silk ribbon and passed it to the bride's younger sister or niece. She unlocked the chest and received a piece of cloth and a ribbon - her wedding gift - and took out a bag of goodies and gifts from the chest. One of the women present (usually engya), throwing a bag of gifts over her shoulder, danced and sang. In comic couplets, she glorified the well-being, skill, hard work and generosity of the matchmakers, and it was not uncommon to make fun of them.

Here they arranged the ceremony of "choosing the bride." The bride was seated in the middle of the room. Visiting women, as if approving the choice and accepting her into their circle, handed her silver coins cut from their breastplates or threw a scarf over her head. The mother-in-law wished her daughter-in-law to live with her husband in love and harmony, to have many children. A characteristic feature of the last two rites was the participation in them only of women.

On the second, less often the third, wedding cattle were slaughtered. They arranged mass refreshments for fellow villagers and guests, sometimes accompanied by horse races, archery competitions, wrestling, and running. When representatives of the Bai elite were born, crowded wedding celebrations were held in the open air. In most cases, the wedding feast "tui ashi" (tui ashi) was arranged at home.

On the last day of the wedding, everyone gathered for a farewell dinner - "khush ashi" (khush ashi). The matchmakers were treated, as on the first day, but they made it clear that the time of their stay had expired, it was time to go home. This was achieved in different ways. In central Bashkortostan, millet porridge was cooked that day, which was called "hint porridge", thus showing that there was nothing more to feed. A rich table was laid in the southeast, but during the meal a young man in an inside-out fur coat appeared, who, approaching the matchmaker, beat him lightly on the back with a whip, declaring that it was time for the guests to go home; in response, the matchmaker paid off - he tied money to the whip. Therefore, this custom, as well as lunch, was sometimes called the "lunch of the whip" (sybyrtky ashi).

Wedding celebrations on the side of the groom were called "kalyn", "kalyn tui", "karshi tui". The holding of the kalyn marked the full payment of the kalym (the timing of its holding depended on this). In the southern regions of Bashkortostan, kalyn was held two or three years after the wedding on the side of the bride, in others - after a few months. Usually, more guests were invited to the kalyn than to the celebration on the side of the bride (for example, if 10-12 couples came to the tui, then 12-14 to the kalyn). In some places, scenes of the meeting of matchmakers and competitions for a cat were repeated. Stayed for three to five days. The general ritual was basically the same as at the bride's wedding. The "main" matchmaker (this time the groom's father) received participants in the celebrations three times. On the day of arrival, the "first dinner" (teuge ash) was arranged. Treats held on the second or third day were called differently: "tea in honor of gifts" (bulek seiye), "tea in honor of the treat brought by matchmakers" (sek-sek seiye), "show of matchmakers". The third celebration was called the "farewell cup" (khush ayagi). Guests were also distributed among the groom's relatives; went to visit.

The ceremony of "selling gifts" by the bride's relatives was specific. A cord was stretched across the room and gifts were attached to it. They were supposed to testify to the art and diligence of the girl, so the kits included only products made by her hands. One of the main sets was a chest bandage, to which a haraus, a pouch, shreds of fabric, and skeins of thread were sewn. Local women were offered to "buy" a gift. The most representative and bright set of gifts (bashbulek) was "bought" by the mother of the groom, then by the sister of the father or mother, the wife of the uncle, the elder sister, etc. Each woman, receiving a gift, left money on the tray. Then they arranged the rite "yuuasa" (yuuasa) with refreshments, comic songs and dances.

The economic and social nature of kalyn is revealed by the rite of transfer of kalym cattle. On the last day before leaving home, the bride's relatives gathered at the groom's house and reminded the owner of the kalym. He, having treated the guests, showed them the kalym cattle. Having received the dowry, the father of the bride and other relatives hurried to leave. In a number of places, the bride's relatives themselves had to catch kalym cattle, especially horses. But the departure was complicated: they found themselves in front of a closed door. After some bargaining, having received a ransom for each head of kalym cattle, the owners opened the door for them.

The young wife moved to her husband only after the full payment of the bride price. Sometimes the wife's move to her husband's house coincided with the last day of the wedding, and the groom's relatives took the daughter-in-law with them. In later times, from several months to several years passed between the wedding and seeing off the bride; where the kalyn ceremony was held, the bride was taken away after it. The move of a wife to her husband was considered as a significant event and was furnished with a number of rites and ritual actions.

Before the bride's departure, her unmarried friends carried the bed tied with a rope into the forest; the newlywed was seated on top. A ritual "fight" was arranged between the girls (from the side of the bride) and women (from the side of the groom), at the end of which the women, having taken the bed, took the bride away with them, and handed the rope to the groom for a certain fee. Their victory symbolized the transition of the bride to the status of a married woman.

Women brought the bride into the house and began to prepare for departure. The young woman put on an outfit given by the groom or sewn from material received at the expense of bride price. The headdress was noteworthy - by the abundance of silver and coral jewelry, one could immediately identify a young woman who had recently married.

A bright moment in seeing off the bride was farewell to relatives, accompanied by lamentation - senlyau and farewell couplets - hamak. Friends took the bride out of the house. One of the girls was carrying gifts: towels, scarves, pouches, etc. The girls sang a hamak, the rest picked up the melody, imitating crying after each verse. The bride, accompanied by the senlau, approached her elder brother or uncle, hugged him and said the words of farewell with lamentations. A friend put on the shoulders of the one with whom the bride said goodbye, the appointed gift: a towel, a pouch, an embroidered shirt, a piece of fabric. Accepting a gift, a brother or uncle uttered words of consolation and gave her money, livestock, and poultry. Usually they gave young animals and a bird with a future offspring. Thus, the bride said goodbye to all brothers and sisters, uncles and aunts, grandparents, friends and daughters-in-law, and closest neighbors. The most significant gifts (towels, headscarves) were given to close relatives, the rest received shreds of fabric, braided laces, etc. Women presented the bride with coins, sewing them to the fabric on the headdress. The farewells usually went on for a long time.

The farewell verses lamented the doom of the girl, who must inevitably leave her native shelter; anxiety was expressed for the future life in submission to the mother-in-law, among strangers. A significant part of the farewell hamak was dedicated to the father. The content of the verses is extremely contradictory. On the one hand, in them the girl draws the days spent in her father's house as the happiest time of her life, on the other hand, she accuses her father and mother of not letting her live in peace, fearing that she will stay in the girls for a long time.

It is noteworthy that in the lamentations, a large place was occupied by an appeal to an older brother or uncle (agai) and his wife. In some places, in particular in the Chelyabinsk and Kurgan regions, the custom has been preserved when, when seeing off the bride, she was put on the cart to the groom by the eldest of the brothers or uncle. In a number of regions, when moving to her husband, the bride was accompanied not by her parents, but by her older brother or uncle (with their wives). Apparently, this is due to the existence in the distant past of avunculate customs in the Bashkir society, when, in relation to the children of a woman, her brothers and other blood relatives were endowed with great rights and duties, and the father of the children was considered as a representative of a different kind.

The most caustic reproaches, accusations of the bride's lamentations were addressed to the elder engya, who during the wedding acted as the patroness of the groom, helped him in the wedding ups and downs. Yengya prepared the wedding bed, bath, served food, cleaned, etc. Such a role of the elder daughter-in-law during the wedding ceremony can also be traced among the Tatars and the Turkic peoples of Central Asia, in particular, among the Uzbeks. The attitude towards young women, wives of uncles and elder brothers of the bride as representatives of other clans and auls can be seen very clearly in the kinship system. If we take into account the custom of exogamy (wives were taken from other auls and clans) or allow the existence of dual-clan relations among the Bashkirs in the past (certain clans were connected by marriage), then, apparently, the groom and daughter-in-law could be members of the same clan.

There were certain traditions in the performance of senlau. There is evidence that adult women, by pushing, scolding, pinching, made the girls cry: "it's supposed to be so." Gradually, the words of the song, the melody and the effect of collective action took their toll - all the participants in the ceremony, and especially the bride, began to cry for real. With weeping and singing, the girls entered the house of the bride's parents. From the bride's headdress, they removed a piece of fabric sewn with coins, with which the groom's mother girded the bride, thereby symbolizing the power gained over her, and as a sign that she was taking her into her house under her protection. At this time, singing competitions between the matchmakers began in the room. Then the mother-in-law said good wishes and instructions to the bride - a calf. In them, the mother of the groom urged the daughter-in-law to be a kind and caring housewife, not to waste time on gossip, to be diligent, but able to fend for herself; wished that her paddock was full of cattle, and "the hem is full of children."

Before leaving the parental home, the bride took a cord or thread and tied it to a nail on the wall with the words: "Do not untie the thread that I tied until it rots; I am not going to visit, do not wait for me, I will not return." In another case, according to I.G. Georgi, "in her parents' house, she hugs a koumiss bag, thanks him for feeding her for so long, and attaches a small gift to it."

In these and some other episodes, it was emphasized in every possible way that the bride's path lies only in one direction, that she leaves her parental shelter forever. It was believed that a different view of her departure would attract misfortune. When leaving the house, the bride, demonstrating her refusal to leave her parents' house, rested against the doorposts. She left the house only after her mother publicly announced that she was giving her something from livestock or poultry (a heifer, a sheep, a goose). At the same time as the bride, the rest went out into the yard. The mullah performed a prayer, informed those around him about the marriage and the departure of the bride.

In some places, it was customary to demand that the groom and his parents not take away the cat - well-being, the lifeblood of the bride's parents' household. To prevent this from happening, the groom's parents, when leaving the gate, scattered silver and copper coins, sweets, threads and other items. The rite was called "the return of the cat."

In the northeast, the groom came for the bride along with his parents and relatives. When leaving, the young woman left the house, holding on to her husband's belt. But she rode separately from him, on the cart of her uncle or older brother, sitting next to engya. The groom was traveling with his mother. In the south of Bashkortostan, the groom came for the bride alone. The wedding string consisted of three carts: for the groom and the bride, the father and mother of the bride, the uncle or elder brother of the bride and his wife.

A lot of people gathered at the groom's house: relatives, neighbors, fellow villagers, adults and children. As soon as the carts drove up, a special person who was on duty at the gate quickly opened them, others took the horses by the bridle and led them into the yard. When the last cart drove in, a rifle shot was heard, announcing the arrival of the kilen.

The bride was in no hurry to leave the cart. The mother-in-law brought a heifer to her as a gift and said: "Come down, daughter-in-law, leaning, may your feet be blessed." The bride got off by stepping on a pillow or rug thrown under her feet. The bride usually entered the mother-in-law's house accompanied by women. Beyond the threshold of the house, the mother-in-law again met the young with tueskas filled with honey and butter. First, she gave the bride a spoonful of honey, then oil. The ritual with a pillow meant a wish for a good disposition, a quiet life for the bride, with honey - sweetness, oil - gentleness in dealing with others.

In the eastern Trans-Urals and in the north-east of Bashkortostan, the bride was brought into the house by one of the women at the choice of the groom's parents. After seeing the bride into the women's part of the house, she untied her belt and pulled it around the waist of the groom's younger sister or niece. From that moment on, the woman became a planted mother, and the girl became a "half-length sister-in-law." They were considered the closest people of a young woman in her husband's village.

A significant moment in the wedding celebrations held in the groom's village is the rite of showing the source of water - "hyu bashlau" for the southern and southeastern Bashkirs, "hyu yuli bashlatyu" for the northwestern, "hyu kurhatyu" for the Trans-Ural Bashkirs. The bride went to the river, accompanied by her sister-in-laws and their friends. One of them, usually the youngest, carried a patterned yoke and buckets of the bride. Having scooped up water from the source, she passed the yoke to the bride. She threw a silver coin into the water. This rite was described in detail by B.M. Yuluev: "The next day, the young woman is taken to the river for water with a yoke; at the same time, she carries with her a small silver coin tied to a thread and throws it into the water, as if in the form of a sacrifice to a water spirit; the children take this coin out of the water with a noise and a fight." On the way back, the bride herself carried the yoke with buckets. Adults and children watched to see if the water splashed out, because, according to legend, the well-being of a young family largely depended on this. The water show was not only an acquaintance with the village and its surroundings, familiarization with household duties, receiving the favor of the spirit of water, but at the same time a kind of test. The fullness of the symbolic and semantic load, apparently, contributed to the preservation of the rite. In recent years, it has been revived in many villages.

By the time the source was shown in the house of the groom's parents, the women of the village were gathering for tea. Before that, young people’s things were taken out of the chests brought for general viewing: personal clothes, home furnishings, dishes. The bride's gifts were handed out to those present: breast bands, scarves, pieces of fabric, threads. Since that time, kilen began to do housework: she set up a samovar, baked pancakes, heated a bath for guests. Accompanying the bride, having stayed for three or four days, they left.

After two or three months, the young spouses went to the bride's parents. After staying for several days, the husband left, leaving his wife in the parental home for a long time. In the meaning of "wife's relatives", "wife's parents", the word "turken" is known in many Turkic and Mongolian languages, but in the modern Bashkir language it is almost forgotten, and the rite itself is rare. A year later, sometimes later, the kilen went to her parents again and stayed there for two or three weeks. The custom was called "going to gatherings." During her stay with her parents, the young woman was engaged in needlework, sewing, replenished her dowry. Each daughter-in-law looked forward to these trips, perceiving them as a reward for patience and everyday hard work.

Researchers rightly point to the conservatism and relativity of wedding rituals. Indeed, each new generation has introduced and is introducing certain changes into the ritual registration of marriage, due to the specific circumstances of its contemporary economic and cultural development. And the ritual itself, regulating the actions of people in some situations, provided them with freedom in others. Thanks to this, local variants arose in the rituals of the wedding cycle, and the ritual gradually changed, supplemented with new details. The changes coexisted with old customs, sometimes very archaic. The same can be traced in the cycle of family rituals associated with the birth and upbringing of a child, his acceptance into a family and kindred team and community.

The health and harmonious development of children was considered the basis of the life of society. The responsibility for the child, his preparation for the future life, along with the family, which belonged to the leading role, was borne by the entire community. The birth of a child in the family was a joyful event. A woman who had many children enjoyed respect and honor. The childless, on the contrary, lost prestige in the eyes of relatives and neighbors. Infertility for a woman was considered the greatest misfortune, it was seen as a disease or a consequence of the influence of evil spirits, God's punishment for sins. A man had the right to marry a second time if there were no children from his first wife.

In the districts, the apron became not only working, but also festive clothing. His belt pulled off her loose dress. The camp was also pulled with a bib belt, a fitted sleeveless jacket or a caftan. Describing the Bashkir costume, the authors drew attention to the unusually large amount of clothes: "The shirts are sewn long with a wide collar, with wide and long sleeves"; men's shirt "long, below the knees, ...

The group is represented by stories about ancient everyday customs, customs, festivities of the Bashkirs (“Zulhiza”, “Uralbai”, “Inekai and Yuldykai”, “Alasabyr”, “Kinyabai”). THE HISTORY OF THE BASHKIR PEOPLE IN LEGENDS AND TRADITIONS Questions of the ethnic history of the Bashkir people for the first time received multifaceted coverage at the scientific session of the Department of History and the Bashkir branch of the USSR Academy of Sciences held in Ufa (1969). IN...

In Bashkiria, the decision to marry children was traditionally made by the parents, and there were cases when the young did not even see each other until the wedding day. The marriage ceremony usually took place at home. For this purpose, a mullah was invited to officially conclude a marriage and to make a corresponding entry about it in the register of births. The traditions of the Bashkir wedding have a long history, but, as now, before the ceremony could take place at home or in a mosque.

Wedding traditions and rituals of Bashkiria

Plans for a future wedding arose from parents when their children were still 5 years old. Traditionally, the Bashkirs held the rite "Syrgatuy" - the engagement of future betrothed. When the time of betrothal approached, families began to carefully prepare for the celebration: they collected dowries, sewed outfits, and prepared the house for the arrival of guests. The Bashkir wedding ceremony includes several stages:

  • Negotiations and designation of the conditions of the wedding (matchmaking, conspiracy).
  • Marriage ceremony (nikah).
  • Post-wedding traditions, rituals and customs.

Conspiracy of parents about the wedding of children

According to Bashkir traditions, the young father, after consulting with his wife, asked the future groom if he agreed to the marriage. The head of the family determined who would become the bride. Moreover, the mother, although she participated in the selection process, but only indirectly. After determining the future daughter-in-law, the father went to the potential father-in-law to arrange a wedding. As soon as the consent of the girl's father was received, negotiations about the kalym started.

To confirm the conclusion of a marriage agreement, both families (bride and groom) traditionally drank koumiss or honey from one bowl. After that, the girl became a bride, and her parents no longer had the right to marry her to another, even if in the future the chosen groom became an unsuitable couple (for example, if the financial condition worsened). If the father decided to refuse the wedding contract, then according to tradition, he had to pay off by giving the man money or cattle.

Negotiations about kalym

The size of the wedding Bashkir kalym was determined by the financial capabilities of both families. It traditionally consisted of cattle, shoes, clothing and other goods. All gifts went to the bride, except for the horses. One of them was given to the girl's father, and the second was slaughtered for the wedding dinner. The mother of the bride received a fox fur coat as a ransom for her daughter. Despite the fact that the size of the kalym for a Bashkir wedding, according to tradition, could fluctuate, obligatory gifts were provided that the groom was supposed to present to the family of the future wife. These included:

  • Mothers - fox fur coat.
  • Father is a horse.
  • For a traditional wedding treat - a second horse (sometimes a ram or a cow replaced it) and 10-15 rubles for expenses.
  • Fabric for the bride's dress and money for jewelry.

The rest of the ransom (if any) was transferred to the bride's father, who in return gave the young family money and livestock. The betrothed from the groom, in addition to everything, received a “small dowry” in the form of a scarf, tablecloth, dressing gown, boots and other traditional things. The conclusion of conditions related to the size of the ransom was traditionally celebrated with some modest treat.

Visiting the bride's house

A couple of days before the first visit of the groom to the bride, when the marriage is formally concluded by the mullah, the girl's father, according to the Bashkir tradition, invites relatives to his house and talks about the arrival of the matchmakers. When the invitees agree to help organize the wedding, the young family invites guests from the groom's side. The groom's father, on his first visit to his daughter-in-law's house, brings a horse with him (which is later slaughtered). All the guests who came to the wedding stayed at the house of the bride's family. They were treated to traditional bishbarmak, after which the presentation of gifts brought to the young began.

For the night, the guests were distributed to the houses of the relatives of the bride's family living in the same village. On the next day of the wedding, according to tradition, a horse was slaughtered. This process involved not only men, but also women who checked whether the meat was fatty. The guests, knowing what awaited them, put on simple clothes. When the invitees arrived at the appointed place, the matchmakers attacked them with a cry, and a mass brawl began, which was the traditional wedding fun of the Bashkirs.

Arrival of the father-in-law with the mother-in-law to the father of the groom

After staying with the matchmakers for a couple of days, the guests go home. Later, the father-in-law and mother-in-law go to the young father. Moreover, special rooms were prepared for their reception - male and female. The girl's mother, according to the Bashkir tradition, brought a chest containing a scarf, cotton rags, threads and a shirt. After dinner, the men went to the women's room, where the bride's mother offered one of the women present to open the chest.

For this, the woman who agreed received a scarf as a gift, and the matchmaker sold shreds of fabric to men for a nominal fee. The threads were presented to the old women, who did not give anything in return, but accepted them with prayers. And the shirt was traditionally given to the groom's father, in return he gave the girl's family some cattle. After the distribution of gifts, the matchmakers said goodbye and left for home.

Small wedding

According to tradition, the Bashkir wedding ceremony took place in the house of the bride's father. Old people who used to be present during the matchmaking gathered here. A mullah came and asked the young father if he agreed to marry. If the answer was positive, then the mullah read a part from the Koran and entered the marriage contract into the metric book. For this, he was traditionally paid 1% of the amount of bride price. After that, the groom received the legal right as a husband to visit the betrothed in her father's house.

Tui festival

After paying the wedding bride price, the groom and his relatives came to pick up his wife at his father-in-law's house. He prepared in advance for the arrival of the groom, arranging the traditional Tui holiday. However, if the head of the girl's family was not rich, then he limited himself to offering a modest treat. The Bashkir holiday Tui, according to tradition, was held for 2-3 days. Wealthy parents arranged wrestling, horse races, games, a common sumptuous meal.

Departure of the bride to her husband's house

When the time came for the departure of the young, according to tradition, the young sister and other relatives staged various intrigues and obstacles. To do this, they carried the girl's bed into the forest and tied it with tight knots with a rope, the ends of which were hidden under the roots of trees. The newlywed herself was put on the bed, after which the girlfriends and relatives of the groom began to fight for her. This is an ancient tradition of Bashkir weddings, which often caused serious damage to both parties in the form of torn clothes.

Before leaving, the young, according to tradition, said goodbye to relatives. She visited the houses of all her relatives in the village. The girl was surrounded by 4 friends who around the corners held a handkerchief over her head and raised a cry. The young woman gave each relative a tablecloth, a towel, threads. In return, women traditionally gave their betrothed money and other valuables. After that, the friends put on the best suit for the young woman and took her to the cart, which was supposed to take her to her husband. Moreover, the girl actively resisted until her brothers and father gave her something.

According to the Bashkir tradition, the young woman was accompanied by one relative, who “sold” her for a ransom to the young father. When a girl first crossed the threshold of her husband's house, she had to kneel three times in front of her father-in-law, who, after each next time, raised the newlywed. After that, she gave gifts to her husband's relatives, and they in return presented generous gifts to her.

The day after the wedding

In the morning, according to tradition, the newlywed was sent with a yoke and buckets to the well for water. She took with her a silver coin tied to a thread. This symbolic object was thrown into the water by a young Bashkir wife as a sacrifice to the water spirit. The children who surrounded her at that time were actively trying to fish the coin out of the water. From that moment on, the girl could open her face in front of her husband without hesitation.

What is customary for young people in Bashkiria to wear for a wedding?

They prepared very carefully for the Bashkir wedding. Elegant clothes were sewn for the newlyweds, which after the ceremony they could wear on special occasions. The traditional holiday was filled with bright colors, which were brought to it by colorful women's dresses with a fluffy skirt, decorated with multi-colored satin ribbons, patterns, stripes and frills. In some regions of Bashkiria, wedding dresses were traditionally decorated with chain stitch embroidery. On top of the main outfit, dressing gowns and camisoles were worn.

Important in the Bashkir wedding custom was the traditional dressing of the bride in a woman's costume. This ritual took place before the execution of the young lamentations, after which she was taken to her husband's house. Of particular importance was the headdress of the betrothed. Often at a wedding, a girl was removed from her dress and put on a women's dress. In the south-eastern part of Bashkiria, the bride's head was covered with a scarf, over which a helmet-shaped kashmau made of silver and corals was put on. In another area, the role of a headdress was traditionally played by a cap embroidered with beads.

Bashkir clothing items, which served as gifts, had iconic symbols. Before the wedding, the bride presented her future husband with a shirt, the collar and sleeves of which she had previously embroidered. In addition, the girl handed the groom a skullcap and woven pants. The colors of wedding clothes meant a lot, so bright shades of red, blue or green were traditionally used. The groom for the wedding was girded with a red sash, and for the Bashkir betrothed, a belt of bright shreds was sewn.

Video: traditional Bashkir wedding

Traditionally, a Bashkir wedding and the birth of healthy offspring were considered the deeds of a worthy person who cares not only about his personal happiness, but also about the share of his people. If earlier the celebration was held on a grand scale and lasted for several days (and sometimes weeks), then the modern Bashkir wedding is held much more modestly, without observing all traditional rites and with the absence of a generous dowry.

Bashkirs have been living in the south of the Urals for centuries. Their homeland is rich in fish, fur-bearing animals, and all kinds of game. The Ural Mountains are the owners of one of the richest natural resources, they hide deposits of gems, the most beautiful local jasper. In written sources, the Bashkirs were first mentioned in the middle of the 9th century. The self-name of the nation is "bashkoot", which in Turkic means "wolf's head". The people profess Islam and are famous for their hard work, reverent attitude to the land, the Bashkirs are experienced livestock breeders and excellent beekeepers.


Forgotten traditions of the Bashkir people

The Bashkirs observe a number of traditions, which are determined by the history of the existence of the people and Muslim customs. The following prohibitions are most strictly observed:

  • in winter, you can’t dig the ground, as the soil is resting and you don’t need to touch it;
  • any business must be started with a “clean” right hand, with which you can serve treats to your guests and take the dishes back, you can blow your nose with your left hand;
  • women should not cross the road to representatives of the stronger half, the rule was preserved for boys;
  • it is allowed to cross the threshold of the mosque with the right foot at the entrance, with the left - at the exit;
  • alcohol, pork, carrion should not be taken as food, and bread is supposed to be broken, not cut;
  • food is taken with three fingers, two is prohibited.

hospitality practices

The Bashkirs treated the guests with exceptional warmth, and they were glad to invite and uninvited. It was believed that a person who came to the house could be a messenger of God or God himself, turned into an earthly being. A great sin is not to feed, not to drink or not to warm the traveler. Even if you happen to be a guest, they set the table, putting on it everything that is in the bins and pantries. It was believed that if a visitor tasted dairy products, the owner's cow would become dry. It was supposed to stay no more than 3 days, and at parting, the Bashkirs always give gifts, especially to young children, since it is believed that a child who cannot taste food due to age can curse the owner.


Advice

If you are visiting a Bashkir family, pay special attention to washing your hands - this procedure is mandatory before eating, after eating meat and before leaving the house. In addition, it is customary to rinse your mouth before eating.

A woman in a Bashkir family had the same position as in any Muslim community. Husbands were supportive of their wives, they rarely used physical force. Girls were brought up in meekness, exceptional patience and modesty. A married woman can be identified by the scarf that she must wear on her head after marriage. Conversations with strange men were not encouraged, it is not customary to ask your husband what he did and where he was. Cheating on a wife is the worst sin, but a man could marry more than once if he gets permission from his first wife, who was considered the most authoritative among all the women living in the house. If a young daughter-in-law came to the family, all duties were placed on her shoulders. Grandparents were most respected, and the young were obliged to know their family up to the seventh generation in order to prevent marriage with relatives.


Do you know how the inheritance is distributed in the Bashkir family?

Disputes in this matter are rare, the property of the parents went to the eldest child in the family.

Bashkirs strive to have a large family and therefore are always happy about the birth of a child. Expectant mothers were forbidden to do hard work, their whims and desires were fulfilled unquestioningly. Carrying the baby under her heart, the expectant mother was instructed to look only at beautiful things and attractive people, she was not allowed to look at anything terrible or ugly. In order for the birth to go smoothly, the future father uttered the phrase “Be born soon, my wife!”, And the one who was the first to report the good news about the birth of the heir was generously presented. After the birth, the family celebrated "bishektuy" - a celebration dedicated to the first cradle.


Conclusion:

The Bashkirs are a colorful, original and very hospitable people, carefully protecting their traditions and customs. The Bashkir family is characterized by patriarchy, the duties of a woman and a man are strictly distributed. Parents love their children and are happy to see them born; the Bashkirs have a developed cult of honoring their elders.


Culture and traditions of the Bashkir people

BashSU Faculty of Mathematics

Control Work on discipline HISTORY OF BASHKORTOSTAN

Subject: Customs and rituals of the peoples of Bashkortostan

Completed: group student 21 , II year of the Faculty of Mathematics of Bashkir State University

Shafikov A.M.

Checked: Burangulov B.V.

Ufa2010

1. Introduction……………………………………………..3-4

2. Bashkir wedding…………………………….5-8

3. Kurban Bayram…………………………………..9-10

4. Tatar cuisine……………………………….10-12

5. Great Lent…………………………………… 12-14

6. Month of Ramadan…………………………………...14-17

7. Conclusion…………………………………………….18

8. References………………………………19

Introduction

When writing an essay on the customs and rituals of the peoples of Bashkortostan, I will consider the following:

Bashkir wedding:

The ancient custom of talking to your children in the cradle until the end of the 19th century. was preserved in some places by the rich Trans-Ural Bashkirs. As a sign of the conclusion of the marriage contract, the parents of the bride and groom drank bata, diluted honey or koumiss from one cup. From that moment on, the girl became a bride, and her father no longer had the right to marry her off to another, even if the groom later turned out to be an unsuitable match, either due to his qualities or to an upset material condition. If the father subsequently does not wish to give his daughter to the betrothed, he is obliged to buy her back, i.e. to give the groom or his parents livestock, money, etc., in the amount of the kalym stipulated earlier. However, conspiracy in infancy at the beginning of the 20th century. has been very rare. The Bashkirs got married early. Upon reaching the boys of 15-16 years old, he was married to a girl of 13-14 years old ...

Eid al-Adha

Everywhere where Islam is widespread, the feast of sacrifice - Eid al-Adha - is widely celebrated. It is celebrated 70 days after the end of the fast - Uraza. The Day of Sacrifice is associated with the biblical legend transformed in Islam about the prophet Abraham (Ibrahim), who wanted to sacrifice his son Isaac (Ismail) to God. But God sent an angel with a lamb and saved Abraham's son. In memory of this event, every devout Muslim is obliged to make a sacrifice (kurban) to the Almighty, that is, to slaughter a sheep, a cow or a camel...

Tatar cuisine

A special place in the diet of the Tatars is occupied by meat and dairy products. Milk was consumed both pure and processed. The first stage of milk processing is skimming, i.e. cream department (kaymak). Cream served not only as an everyday (summer) food, but also as a semi-finished product for obtaining butter (ak mai), from which melted (sary mai) (finished, yellow) was obtained through heat treatment. Salted butter (tozly ak mai) was harvested for autumn and winter. Tatars produced fermented and fermented milk products: katyk, svzme, eremchek, short. Meat in the daily diet of the Tatars was consumed to a lesser extent than milk and dairy products. The meat was eaten boiled, rarely fried or stewed. Boiled meat, both hot and cold, was served for dinner in addition to soup...

Great Lent

Great Lent begins on Monday, after the cheese week (Maslenitsa) and lasts seven weeks, until the Easter holiday. Conventionally, it is divided into two parts: the holy fortecost and Passion Week. The first of them was installed in memory of the events of the Old and New Testaments. This is the forty-year wandering of the people of Israel in the wilderness, and the forty-day fast of Moses before receiving the commandments from God on Mount Sinai, and the forty-day fast of Jesus Christ in the wilderness. The second part of Great Lent, which immediately precedes Easter, is established in memory of the sufferings of Christ, called the "passion of the Lord"...

month of ramadan

The Muslim holy month of Ramadan is the ninth month of the Muslim lunar calendar, the month of fasting. During it, the faithful are forbidden to eat, drink, smoke, "take inside another substance," etc. during daylight hours. With the onset of darkness, all restrictions are removed. Small children, the elderly, the seriously ill, pregnant women are exempt from fasting. At the end of the fast, Muslims celebrate the holiday of Uraza Bayram ...

You can learn about all these customs and traditions of our Republic of Bashkortostan, rich in peoples, from my abstract.

Bashkir wedding

At the beginning of my essay, I already spoke about such an ancient custom as the Bashkir wedding. Let's dwell on this event and consider in detail the aspects of this rite.

It all starts with the “collusion” of parents about the wedding of their children:

The ancient custom of talking to your children in the cradle until the end of the 19th century. was preserved in some places by the rich Trans-Ural Bashkirs. As a sign of the conclusion of the marriage contract, the parents of the bride and groom drank bata, diluted honey or koumiss from one cup. From that moment on, the girl became a bride, and her father no longer had the right to marry her off to another, even if the groom later turned out to be an unsuitable match, either due to his qualities or to an upset material condition. If the father subsequently does not wish to give his daughter to the betrothed, he is obliged to buy her back, i.e. to give the groom or his parents livestock, money, etc., in the amount of the kalym stipulated earlier. However, conspiracy in infancy at the beginning of the 20th century. has been very rare. The Bashkirs got married early. Upon reaching the boys of 15-16 years old, he was married to a girl of 13-14 years old. The father, wishing to marry his son, consulted with his wife, asked for consent to the marriage and son. The choice of the bride, although in agreement with the wife, always belonged to the father. Having secured the consent of his son and wife, the father sent matchmakers (a goat) to the future father-in-law or went to him for negotiations.

Kalym

With the consent of the father of the bride, negotiations began on the kalym. The amount of bride price depended on the well-being of the parents of both spouses. Among the Trans-Ural Bashkirs, kalym consisted of horses, cattle and small livestock, two or three shirts, a curtain (sharshau), a pair of boots, a scarf (for the rich, from a female coral headdress (kashmau), a black Chinese robe trimmed with red cloth and galloon (elen), or simple cloth or crimson. All this went in favor of the bride, except for horses, of which one was received by the girl’s father, and the other was stabbed at the wedding. The bridegroom gave the mother of the bride a fox fur coat (ine tuna). Among the northeastern Bashkirs of average prosperity, the dowry consisted of 50-150 rubles money, one horse, a mare with a foal, two cows with a calf, two or three sheep and various materials of 15-20 rubles. obligatory gifts from the groom: a horse (bash aty) to the father-in-law, a fox coat (ine tuny) to the mother-in-law, 10-15 rubles for expenses (tartyu aksahy), a horse, less often a cow or a ram for slaughter on the wedding day (tuilyk), material for the bride’s dress and money to provide for her (meher), The mother-in-law was not always given a fox coat (ine tuny), sometimes it could be a sheep’s coat or even simple robe. In addition to this dowry, the owner of which was considered the young woman, she received from the groom the so-called "small dowry" - a shawl, a dressing gown, a scarf, a shirt, boots and a chest. The conclusion of the condition on the size of the kalym, which was mentioned above, was marked by a modest treat. A few days later, the groom, along with his parents, went to the bride's house and brought gifts. Among the southeastern Bashkirs, gifts for the bride were collected from the groom's relatives on his behalf by one of the boys: the boy rode around them on horseback, collecting money, threads, scarves, he imposed all this on a stick and passed it on to the groom. The mother of the groom, in turn, called relatives and acquaintances of women for tea; - the latter brought her hapayyc: threads, pieces of cloth, and so on.

before the small wedding

Two days before the appointed date of the small wedding (izhap-kabul), the first visit of the bridegroom by the bridegroom, when the mullah formally concluded the marriage contract, the bride's father invited ten to twenty relatives to him, announced the arrival of the guests and asked them to prepare for their reception. Having secured consent, he invited the groom, his father, mother and the indicated relatives to visit him through a messenger. The messenger was returning from the groom's father with a horse (tuylyk) previously spoken out. In some places (Katays), the groom's father himself brought a tuilyk (horse or ram) at the first visit together with the son of the bride's house. From the side of the groom, except for his own mother or a close relative, none of the women went to the wedding; therefore, the parents usually rode in a cart or sleigh, and all the rest on horseback. In the southeastern Bashkirs, young men left the village to meet the wedding train and, after the usual greetings, tried to rip off the hats from the invited guests and, if they succeeded, galloped with hats towards the village. All arrivals stayed in the house, the father of the bride. A treat was served - bishbarmak - and the distribution of gifts brought by the groom and his parents began: dressing gowns, shirts, towels, rags of cloth, and so on. At night, the guests dispersed to the pre-appointed houses of the matchmakers, relatives from the bride's side. The next day they slaughtered a horse, and after skinning it, several women invited the workers to see if it was fat. The guests knew well what was waiting for them, but still they gathered, threw off their good clothes, dressed in whatever they liked and walked, and the matchmakers, armed with dirty horse intestines, were waiting for them. As soon as the guests approached, the matchmakers screamed at them, beat them with their guts with screams and noise, and a general brawl ensued.

Marriage ceremony (small wedding)

The rite of marriage, like the funeral, was not considered a religious sacrament by Muslims, but rather a civil custom. It was performed not in the mosque, but at home. Old men gathered in the father-in-law's house, they were present earlier at the matchmaking. A mullah came with a metric book. The latter asked the groom's father if he would marry his son such and such, the daughter of such and such. Then he asked the bride's father if he would give his daughter away. With satisfactory answers, the mullah read a saying from the Koran and wrote down the marriage contract in a book. The mullah was usually paid one percent of the price of the bride price for the deal. After Izhap-Kabul, the groom already had the right to visit the young woman as a husband in her father's house. This visit began either after paying half of the kalym and handing it over to the mother-in-law, or after the parents of the spouses exchanged gifts.

Departure time for the young

Finally, the time came for the departure of the young. The girlfriend of the young woman and other female relatives, not wanting to part with her, arranged all sorts of obstacles to her departure. They took out the young bed into the forest, wrapped it up and tied it with a more cunning rope, the ends of which were hidden under the roots of a tree. They put the young woman on the bed, because of her, a struggle began between her friends and the women invited by the groom. The dispute over the young took place between women and girls, and the former always prevailed. The struggle for the young was sometimes so reckless that it caused considerable losses to both sides in the form of torn clothes, for which the young rewarded the victims. When, finally, the women managed to untangle and untie the rope, the young one was considered to belong to women, and the young one bought the rope from them. Just before leaving, the young woman said goodbye to her relatives. She walked, surrounded by her friends: four girls held a young scarf over the four corners, the rest of the relatives surrounding her raised a cry. The young woman went around all the relatives and gave each of them a towel, a tablecloth, shreds of cloth, threads, etc., which were carried either by the elder sister or one of her friends. Relatives gave the young woman whatever they could: cattle, money (rubles and fifty dollars went to breast decorations), scraps of cloth. These shreds (yyrtysh) were pinned to the headdress of the young woman and to the shirt, she was hung with them from head to toe. After that, the friends dressed the young woman in the best clothes and led her to the cart, on which she was supposed to ride, and the young woman put up all kinds of resistance, did not leave her home until her father or brothers gave her something. Her friends, weeping and wailing, accompanied her away from the village. The husband rode ahead on horseback. In the old man, according to I. I. Lepekhin, the young one was equipped and taken to the groom on horseback. Girlfriends, having seen off the young, returned home. A close relative and a matchmaker remained with the young woman, who, when approaching the groom's house, led the young horse by the tie and, approaching, shouted what kind of goods she came with and what he was worth. The father of the young or a close relative replacing him, having bargained, bought the young. She passed the reins to the horses in the field to women expelled from her father-in-law.

Who could the Bashkirs marry?

In the 19th century Bashkirs could not take wives from their own clan or volost. Wives were often taken for 100 km or more. This custom was still in force at the beginning of the 20th century. in some places among the Ural and especially among the Trans-Ural Bashkirs. At the same time, part of the Bashkirs, with the exception of western and northwestern Bashkiria, although they already took wives within their clan, but from other villages, and if from their own village, then certainly from another aimak (ara, yryu). In any case, marriage was not allowed between relatives in the first four generations. Only relatives in the fifth (tyua yat) and sixth (et yat) generations, who were already considered strangers, could marry each other.

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    Abstract >> Culture and art

    About the main national customs And rituals Russian people. Chapter 1 rites And customs 1.1. Birth of a child Care... .ru/index.php - Site about culture peoples Bashkortostan; 7. http://ru.wikipedia.org/ - Wikipedia...

  2. Story Bashkortostan (3)

    Abstract >> Culture and art

    In the territory Bashkortostan are the property of a multinational people Bashkortostan, and what ... fairy tales are interestingly told about people and his customs. With great love they tell... traditional wedding rituals peoples. Many wedding rites connected with...

  3. peoples South Ural Bashkirs

    Abstract >> Culture and art

    ... ……...…………..……………………….....16 Introduction of the Bashkirs, bashkort(self-name), people in Russia, indigenous ... In marital relations, customs liverata, the betrothal of young children ... Muslim beliefs are also observed in

The ethnogenesis of the Bashkirs took place in the 9th - 13th centuries. on the territory of the Ural-Volga region as a result of interaction and mixing of the ancient Bashkirs, the Ural Finno-Ugric tribes and the tribes of the Bulgaro-Magyar group, the Ural descendants of the Iranian-speaking Sarmatians and the Kipchaks who migrated here, who transferred to the Bashkirs some ethno-cultural features of the Turkic peoples of Central Asia and Kazakhstan. Kazakhstan






The characteristic features of the Bashkir mentality are: an extremely heightened love of freedom as a legacy of the “steppe philosophy”, spiritual collectivism or the so-called. “Bashkir brotherhood” (priority of the family over the personal without infringing on the individual freedom of a single member of the clan), the cult of respect for ancestors and love for nature as the basis of the life of the Bashkirs, diligence, sociability and hospitality.


An interesting fact is the absence of a developed system of profanity in the Bashkir language. A possible reason was the historically established tradition not to slander in the presence of women, children and the elderly, as well as domestic animals and bees, so as not to cause harm. For the ancestors of the Bashkirs, the word was as material as any thing. Apparently, this is why the Bashkir language has preserved the expression “huz tezeu”, which in Bashkir means “stringing the word”.


Bashkir etiquette is based on national traditions, customs, rituals and rituals (in Bashkir “yola”). For example, during a greeting, the Bashkirs sometimes shake the interlocutor's hand with both hands, which is a sign of special disposition and cordiality. In the case of communication with older people, such a handshake is mandatory, otherwise you will be considered impolite.


Traditional decorative art The object world of the Bashkir culture is bright and original, largely due to the ornamental art, which aestheticized all its areas: clothes and utensils, housing, warrior equipment. The technical methods of the Bashkir decorative art are diverse:




Sabantuy - a holiday of labor, in which the customs of the Turkic peoples merge Sabantuy in ancient times was celebrated directly on the day of migration from winter to summer pasture. The main significance at the holiday was given to national games, the identification of new young batyrs, defenders of the clan, tribe, people.


Yiyin There was no strictly fixed time for holding yiyins, unlike Sabantuy, but usually it was organized in the period after sowing until harvesting of rye. On the yyyns of one or several related auls, disputed land issues were resolved, hayfields and summer pastures were distributed. Often, wedding celebrations were timed to the yiyins.


Traditional Bashkir wedding An ancient custom to conspire with your children in the cradle until the end of the 19th century. was preserved in some places by the rich Trans-Ural Bashkirs. From that moment on, the girl became a bride, and her father no longer had the right to marry her off to another, even if the groom later turned out to be an unsuitable match, either due to his qualities or to an upset material condition. If the father subsequently does not wish to give his daughter to the betrothed, he is obliged to buy her back, i.e. to give the groom or his parents livestock, money, etc., in the amount of the kalym stipulated earlier. The Bashkirs got married early. Upon reaching a young man, he was married to a girl of years. The father, wishing to marry his son, consulted with his wife, asked for consent to the marriage and son. The choice of the bride, although in agreement with the wife, always belonged to the father. Having secured the consent of his son and wife, the father sent matchmakers (a goat) to the future father-in-law or went to him for negotiations.